2,849,065 events, 1,414,575 push events, 2,268,716 commit messages, 184,929,206 characters
[MIRROR] Adds forgotten kit to armament beacon (#2647)
- Adds forgotten kit to armament beacon (#56016)
Adds the forgotten kit to the armament beacon, holding the same stats as knight armor and stone sentinel, But with the sprites for the old clockwork armor and helmet, as they are very nice looking sprites. Moves said sprites to the suit and hat file respectively. as-well as adding forgotten helmet/armour to the game, which are said armors.
Makes it easier to do any clockcult themed gimmick as the chaplain without wearing the god awful craftable armor, uses sprites that really shoulden't die on the same hill as clockcult. a few others have also told me they'd love to see the old clockcult armor and helmet sprites used for something, as they look nice.
- Adds forgotten kit to armament beacon
Co-authored-by: Coastfront [email protected]
Ah yes I too love missing fucking semicolons and recieving a generic syntax error.
Account for windows time period latency in Lidgren.
- Set timeBeginPeriod(3) on the server to reduce scheduler latency in the lidgren thread.
- Add 16ms of guaranteed lag bias to client prediction calculations to account for scheduler latency.
Both of these changes are to account for how the windows scheduler seems to handle time periods in related to socket polls. See this Discord conversation for why, details down below as well: https://discord.com/channels/310555209753690112/770682801607278632/798309250291204107
Basically Windows has this thing called time periods which determines the precision of sleep operations and such. By default it's like 16ms so a sleep will only be accurate to within 16ms.
Problem: Lidgren polls the socket with a timeout of 1ms.
The way Windows seems to handle this is that:
- if a message comes into the socket, the poll immediately ends and Lidgren can handle it.
- If nothing comes in, it takes the whole 16ms time period to actually process stuff.
Oh yeah, and Lidgren's thread needs to keep pumping at a steady rate or else it won't flush its send queue. On Windows it seems to normally pump at 65/125 Hz. On Linux it goes like 950 Hz as intended.
Now, the worst part is that (1) causes Lidgren's latency calculation to always read 0 (over localhost) instead of the 30~ms it SHOULD BE (assuming client and server localhost).
That 30ms of unaccounted delay worst caseis enough to cause prediction undershoot and have messages arrive too late. Yikes.
So, to fix this...
On the server we just decrease the tick period and call it a day. Screw your battery life players don't have local servers running anyways.
On the client we bias the prediction calculations to account for this "unmeasurable" lag.
Of course, all this can be configured via CVars.
What in the god damned yankee dandee doodle FUCK is jest with typescript
New data: 2021-01-11. See data notes for important messages.
SK testing decreased today for an unknown reason.
Vaccine datasets:
- 2021-01-11: Our Ontario vaccine dataset has changed. Previously, we used two datasets: the MoH Daily Situation Report (https://www.oha.com/news/updates-on-the-novel-coronavirus), which is released weekdays in the evenings, and the “COVID-19 Vaccine Data in Ontario” dataset (https://data.ontario.ca/dataset/covid-19-vaccine-data-in-ontario), which is released every day in the mornings. Because the Daily Situation Report is released later in the day, it has more up-to-date numbers. However, since it is not available on weekends, this leads to an artificial “dip” in numbers on Saturday and “jump” on Monday due to the transition betwen data sources. We will now exclusively use the daily “COVID-19 Vaccine Data in Ontario” dataset. Although our numbers will be slightly less timely, the daily values will be consistent. We have replaced our historical dataset with “COVID-19 Vaccine Data in Ontario” as far back as they are available.
- 2020-12-17: Vaccination data have been added as time series in timeseries_prov and timeseries_hr.
- 2020-12-15: We have added two vaccine datasets to the repository, vaccine_administration_cumulative.csv and vaccine_distribution_cumulative.csv. These data should be considered preliminary and are subject to change and revision. The format of these new datasets may also change at any time as the data situation evolves.
Upcoming changes (specific dates to be announced soon):
- The data structure of time series data will change in response to user feedback. This will only consist of adding additional columns to make the data easier to work with. The core columns will remain the same, for now. More details to follow. Initially, the updated dataset will be provided alongside the new dataset. After a time, the new data format will completely replace the old format.
Recent changes:
- 2021-01-08: The directories cases_extra and mortality_extra have been moved to other/cases_extra and other/mortality_extra.
Revise historical data: cases (AB, BC, NS, ON, SK); mortality (MB).
Note regarding deaths added in QC today: “The data also report 51 new deaths, for a total of 8,737. Among these 51 deaths, 18 have occurred in the last 24 hours, 29 have occurred between January 4 and January 9, 1 has occurred before January 4 and 3 have occurred at an unknown date.” We report deaths such that our cumulative regional totals match today’s values. This sometimes results in extra deaths with today’s date when older deaths are removed.
Note about SK data: As of 2020-12-14, we are providing a daily version of the official SK dataset that is compatible with the rest of our dataset in the folder official_datasets/sk. See below for information about our regular updates.
SK transitioned to reporting according to a new, expanded set of health regions on 2020-09-14. Unfortunately, the new health regions do not correspond exactly to the old health regions. Additionally, the provided case time series using the new boundaries do not exist for dates earlier than August 4, making providing a time series using the new boundaries impossible.
For now, we are adding new cases according to the list of new cases given in the “highlights” section of the SK government website (https://dashboard.saskatchewan.ca/health-wellness/covid-19/cases). These new cases are roughly grouped according to the old boundaries. However, health region totals were redistributed when the new boundaries were instituted on 2020-09-14, so while our daily case numbers match the numbers given in this section, our cumulative totals do not. We have reached out to the SK government to determine how this issue can be resolved. We will rectify our SK health region time series as soon it becomes possible to do so.
fuck around with window sizing because shit is ridiculous
Created Text For URL [sundiatapost.com/i-cant-believe-my-girlfriend-killed-a-man-with-machete-in-akwa-ibom-real-boyfriend-of-accused-corps-member-cries/]
Create cyber issue
I know of a very good hacker's that can help you with any type of hacking, either phones or computers and criminal records My wife’s was so smooth at hiding her infidelity so I had no proof for months, I was referred to some hacker's and decided to give them a try.. the result was incredible because all my cheating wife’s text messages, emails , facebook and even phone conversations was wired directly to my cellphone. HACKTRUTH team helped me put a round-the-clock monitoring on her and I got concrete evidence of her escapades..if you think your spouse is an expert at hiding his/her cheating adventure, you can contact them too on [email protected] and i dare say most cheaters would never stop cheating after i caught her cheating but she still let her ungodly emotions into our marriage all thanks to them.
axed all my code and replaced it with 1 line that does everything tons better. Gotta love programming right? Oh and not to mention the MYSTERIOUS FUCKING EXE file that was somehow created 30 seconds before the new year and snuck onto the repo? I mean what is that? ffs
Adds twisted tea weapon code and sound effect
A non-lethal alternative to IEDs with a similar recipe. Single use. Slaps someone away and stuns them, while expelling water like a fire extinguisher.
Why is this good for the game? Because fuck you, that's why.
Created Text For URL [www.sunnewsonline.com/nysc-female-member-allegedly-hacks-lover-to-death-in-uyo-2/]
Create CANT REPLICATE MY ATTITUDE
LETS FUCKING DO THIS. LETS MAKE SHIT HAPPEN I KNOW WE CAN DO IT.
Update and rename README.md to Trianglehomez
Trivandrum Private Updated 21 hours ago If you are searching for world-class designing works providers, then TriangleHomez is your destination! Trianglehomez is one of the best construction company in Trivandrum. Every customer hopes to complete their project quickly and promptly with ensured quality. Triangle homez introduce supervision service for Construction Site Supervision, Land Survey, Estimation, Maintenance Service etc.For more details visit www.trianglehomez.com. They have much experience in constructing different types of commercial and residential buildings. Every customer hopes to complete their project quickly and promptly with ensured quality. Trianglehomez offers client’s construction work materials that are long-lasting and supreme in quality supervision. They provide every type of construction work materials ranging from stones, to metals, to steel of all forms according to the need and suggestions as per the engineer in charge. Home is the starting place of love, hope and dreams. Choose the best Architect.
IC: next steps (#16632)
- removed dead code
- beginnings of a rodfile reader
- IC: record global VM state changes and pragma state changes
- IC: replay pragmas and VM state changes
- implemented rod load file simuation for easier, extensive testing
- critical bugfix
- IC: stress test logic; should also help with recursive module dependencies; WIP
- IC: loading from .rod files begins to work reliably
- removed ugly hacks
- yet another silly mistake
Merge pull request #1 from haloflooder/master
Change install to put just like mommy taught me and because fuck you ;)
"10:35am. I am up. Let me chill. I actually thought quite a lot about what I want to do today. I'll give the docs a break for the time being until I do the serializer that I want.
10:40am. Let me just chill a bit. I am still thinking about it.
The way I am going to start is by reversing those additions from yesterday. I was such a fool. Of course I can bind the damn record - I just need to type apply a continuation!
After that I need to add record_type_try_find. I am going to do an alternative implementation of alt one that merges the benefits of bottom up even more thoroughly.
I am also thinking how a mixed serializer of something like JSON and one hot vectors would work. This is purely a mental exercise that I am going through to test myself. It bothers me that I can't exactly figure it out.
11:05am. But I have some ideas.
11:20am. Let me start. I'll do a little bit of work in the morning. It is the final stretch here.
| EOp(_,UnionMap,[a;EType(_,b)]) ->
let a,l = term s a, ty_union s b
Map.map (fun k v -> type_apply s (apply s (a, DSymbol k)) v) l.Item.cases |> DRecord
| EOp(_,UnionIter,[a;EType(_,b)]) ->
let a,l = term s a, ty_union s b
Map.iter (fun k v ->
match type_apply s (apply s (a, DSymbol k)) v with
| DB -> ()
| x -> raise_type_error s <| sprintf "Expected an unit value.\nGot: %s" (show_data x)
) l.Item.cases
DB
| EOp(_,UnionFoldL,[f;state;EType(_,x)]) ->
let f,state,l = term s f, term s state, ty_union s x
Map.fold (fun state k v -> type_apply s (apply s ((apply s (f, state), DSymbol k))) v) state l.Item.cases
| EOp(_,UnionFoldR,[f;state;EType(_,x)]) ->
let f,state,l = term s f, term s state, ty_union s x
Map.foldBack (fun k v state -> apply s ((type_apply s (apply s (f, DSymbol k)) v), state)) l.Item.cases state
| EOp(_,UnionLength,[EType(_,a)]) ->
(ty_union s a).Item.tag_cases.Length |> LitInt32 |> DLitLet me get rid of this shit. Just what was I thinking yesterday?
| UnionToRecord
| RecordTypeTryFindLet me add these two.
| EOp(_,UnionToRecord,[EType(_,a);on_succ]) ->
type_apply s (term s on_succ) (YRecord (ty_union s a).Item.cases)Here is the first one. Now the second.
| EOp(_,RecordTypeTryFind,[EType(_,a);k;on_succ;on_fail]) ->
match ty_record s a, term s k with
| l, DSymbol k ->
match Map.tryFind k l with
| Some v -> type_apply s (term s on_succ) v
| None -> apply s (term s on_fail, DB)
| _, k -> raise_type_error s <| sprintf "Expected a symbol.\nGot: %s" (show_data k)There is no need to complicate this anymore than so.
Now that have these two, I have a lot of flexibility.
11:35am. Added these two to core.
11:40am. This is a good time to stop so I can have breakfast. I won't linger too much on it today.
11:45am. Let me get on with it. I want to do programming today.
I am going to get this particular serializer out of my system, and then finish the docs."
Removes the gen_turfs from icebox arrivals, they don't god damn do anything because they are literally just placeholders for areas, and they aren't in the right fucking area. Also gets rid of some dumb plating that makes the area looks worse imo (#56107)
feat(cli): add CLI for automating development tasks
Programming is tedious. Setting up new projects can be especially tedious. Scaffolding tools such as cookiecutter are great at eliminating much of the tedium but maintaining cookiecutter templates can become tedious, too, and what exists to help initialize new cookiecutters templates? One could use a cookiecutter template to configure cookiecutter templates but how can deviations among templates be reliably applied to new projects? How easy is it to apply changes to a cookiecutter, test, and reuse cookiecutter templates? Given the love cookiecutter has earned in the Python community there are probably great answers to these question. I just don't know the answers and would rather try my hand at a CLI to make my life easier the way cookiecutter did before my inner Cookie Monster went to rehab.
This project initially intended to document knowledge of python project management. It will now document knowledge through automation.
- adds CLI interface to PyDX
- structures package for adding commands to the cli
- structures package for sharing modules among commands
- pins CLI dependencies
- distinguishes production environment dependencies for use with setup.py. It would likely be sufficient to install dependencies from requirements/base.txt during PyPI installation but the production requirements were factored into their own file for clarity
fuck imgui as a submodule its stupid and i hate it
Translation of the file "bird.dialog" into Russian with the help of Asd-ed.
Hello, recently in the steam under the post "Friendly Fire version 2.3.0" there was a comment about the translation of the game into other languages "especially into Russian", you threw off the site where the entire code of the game is located, where you can send your translation. I decided to translate it into Russian and tried to make it high-quality. If you are wondering why I want to translate the game into this language ,then I will answer that your game, in my opinion, is very good in the plot and in the gameplay and what I read in the reviews that there is no Russian translation. I do this translation for free. If you think that you don't really need a translation ,then I don't have to do it. And if you do not mind it, then I will gladly and diligently translate the game.
Holy shit stream
Did a bunch of shit while on stream
Map: +escape shuttle (shuttle itself, and Centcom dock) +courtroom +security (all main station areas) +maintenance fuck load +vault +signage
Not map: +added supply and bridge signs *fixed evac signs
if I forgot anything I'll include it on next push
the data of vietnam
See also: Phạm Ngọc Thảo
President Kennedy's news conference of 23 March 1961 In the 1960 U.S. presidential election, Senator John F. Kennedy defeated incumbent Vice President Richard M. Nixon. Although Eisenhower warned Kennedy about Laos and Vietnam, Europe and Latin America "loomed larger than Asia on his sights."[89]:264 In April 1961, Kennedy approved the Bay of Pigs Invasion and that invasion failed. In June 1961, he bitterly disagreed with Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev when they met in Vienna to discuss key U.S.–Soviet issues. Only 16 months later, the Cuban Missile Crisis (16–28 October 1962) played out on television worldwide. It was the closest the Cold War came to escalating into a full-scale nuclear war, and the U.S. raised the readiness level of Strategic Air Command (SAC) forces to DEFCON 2.
The Kennedy administration remained essentially committed to the Cold War foreign policy inherited from the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. In 1961, the U.S. had 50,000 troops based in South Korea, and Kennedy faced four crisis situations: the failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion that he had approved on 4 April,[105] settlement negotiations between the pro-Western government of Laos and the Pathet Lao communist movement in May ("Kennedy sidestepped Laos, whose rugged terrain was no battleground for American soldiers."[89]:265), the construction of the Berlin Wall in August, and the Cuban Missile Crisis in October. Kennedy believed that yet another failure to gain control and stop communist expansion would irreparably damage U.S. credibility. He was determined to "draw a line in the sand" and prevent a communist victory in Vietnam. He told James Reston of The New York Times immediately after his Vienna summit meeting with Khrushchev, "Now we have a problem making our power credible and Vietnam looks like the place."[106][107]
South Vietnam, Military Regions, 1967 Kennedy's policy toward South Vietnam assumed that Diệm and his forces had to ultimately defeat the guerrillas on their own. He was against the deployment of American combat troops and observed that "to introduce U.S. forces in large numbers there today, while it might have an initially favorable military impact, would almost certainly lead to adverse political and, in the long run, adverse military consequences."[108] The quality of the South Vietnamese military, however, remained poor. Poor leadership, corruption, and political promotions all played a part in weakening the ARVN. The frequency of guerrilla attacks rose as the insurgency gathered steam. While Hanoi's support for the Viet Cong played a role, South Vietnamese governmental incompetence was at the core of the crisis.[79]:369
One major issue Kennedy raised was whether the Soviet space and missile programs had surpassed those of the United States. Although Kennedy stressed long-range missile parity with the Soviets, he was also interested in using special forces for counterinsurgency warfare in Third World countries threatened by communist insurgencies. Although they were originally intended for use behind front lines after a conventional Soviet invasion of Europe, Kennedy believed that the guerrilla tactics employed by special forces such as the Green Berets would be effective in a "brush fire" war in Vietnam.
Kennedy and McNamara Kennedy advisors Maxwell Taylor and Walt Rostow recommended that U.S. troops be sent to South Vietnam disguised as flood relief workers.[109] Kennedy rejected the idea but increased military assistance yet again. In April 1962, John Kenneth Galbraith warned Kennedy of the "danger we shall replace the French as a colonial force in the area and bleed as the French did."[110] By November 1963, 16,000 American military personnel were stationed in South Vietnam.[35]:131
The Strategic Hamlet Program was initiated in late 1961. This joint U.S.–South Vietnamese program attempted to resettle the rural population into fortified camps. It was implemented in early 1962 and involved some forced relocation, village internment, and segregation of rural South Vietnamese into new communities where the peasantry would be isolated from the Viet Cong. It was hoped these new communities would provide security for the peasants and strengthen the tie between them and the central government. However, by November 1963 the program had waned, and it officially ended in 1964.[20]:1070
On 23 July 1962, fourteen nations, including China, South Vietnam, the Soviet Union, North Vietnam and the United States, signed an agreement promising to respect the neutrality of Laos.
Ousting and assassination of Ngô Đình Diệm Main articles: Cable 243, Arrest and assassination of Ngô Đình Diệm, Buddhist crisis, Krulak Mendenhall mission, McNamara Taylor mission, 1963 South Vietnamese coup, and Reaction to the 1963 South Vietnamese coup See also: Role of the United States in the Vietnam War § John F. Kennedy (1961–1963), 1960 South Vietnamese coup attempt, 1962 South Vietnamese Independence Palace bombing, Huế Phật Đản shootings, and Xá Lợi Pagoda raids The inept performance of the ARVN was exemplified by failed actions such as the Battle of Ap Bac on 2 January 1963, in which a small band of Viet Cong won a battle against a much larger and better-equipped South Vietnamese force, many of whose officers seemed reluctant even to engage in combat.[111]:201–6 During the battle the South Vietnamese had lost 83 soldiers, 5 US war helicopters that had been shot down by Vietcong forces, while the Vietcong forces had lost only 18 soldiers. The ARVN forces were led by Diệm's most trusted general, Huỳnh Văn Cao, commander of the IV Corps. Cao was a Catholic who had been promoted due to religion and fidelity rather than skill, and his main job was to preserve his forces to stave off coup attempts; he had earlier vomited during a communist attack. Some policymakers in Washington began to conclude that Diệm was incapable of defeating the communists and might even make a deal with Ho Chi Minh. He seemed concerned only with fending off coups and had become more paranoid after attempts in 1960 and 1962, which he partly attributed to U.S. encouragement. As Robert F. Kennedy noted, "Diệm wouldn't make even the slightest concessions. He was difficult to reason with ..."[112] Historian James Gibson summed up the situation:
Strategic hamlets had failed ... The South Vietnamese regime was incapable of winning the peasantry because of its class base among landlords. Indeed, there was no longer a 'regime' in the sense of a relatively stable political alliance and functioning bureaucracy. Instead, civil government and military operations had virtually ceased. The National Liberation Front had made great progress and was close to declaring provisional revolutionary governments in large areas.[113]
ARVN forces capture a Viet Cong Discontent with Diệm's policies exploded in May 1963 following the Huế Phật Đản shootings of nine unarmed Buddhists protesting against the ban on displaying the Buddhist flag on Vesak, the Buddha's birthday. This resulted in mass protests against discriminatory policies that gave privileges to the Catholic Church and its adherents over the Buddhist majority. Diệm's elder brother Ngô Đình Thục was the Archbishop of Huế and aggressively blurred the separation between church and state. Thuc's anniversary celebrations shortly before Vesak had been bankrolled by the government, and Vatican flags were displayed prominently. There had also been reports of Catholic paramilitaries demolishing Buddhist pagodas throughout Diệm's rule. Diệm refused to make concessions to the Buddhist majority or take responsibility for the deaths. On 21 August 1963, the ARVN Special Forces of Colonel Lê Quang Tung, loyal to Diệm's younger brother Ngô Đình Nhu, raided pagodas across Vietnam, causing widespread damage and destruction and leaving a death toll estimated to range into the hundreds.
U.S. officials began discussing the possibility of a regime change during the middle of 1963. The United States Department of State wanted to encourage a coup, while the Defense Department favored Diệm. Chief among the proposed changes was the removal of Diệm's younger brother Nhu, who controlled the secret police and special forces, and was seen as the man behind the Buddhist repression and more generally the architect of the Ngô family's rule. This proposal was conveyed to the U.S. embassy in Saigon in Cable 243.
Ngô Đình Diệm after being shot and killed in a coup on 2 November 1963 The CIA contacted generals planning to remove Diệm and told them that the United States would not oppose such a move nor punish the generals by cutting off aid. President Diệm was overthrown and executed, along with his brother, on 2 November 1963. When Kennedy was informed, Maxwell Taylor remembered that he "rushed from the room with a look of shock and dismay on his face."[89]:326 Kennedy had not anticipated Diệm's murder. The U.S. ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge, invited the coup leaders to the embassy and congratulated them. Ambassador Lodge informed Kennedy that "the prospects now are for a shorter war".[89]:327 Kennedy wrote Lodge a letter congratulating him for "a fine job".[114]
Following the coup, chaos ensued. Hanoi took advantage of the situation and increased its support for the guerrillas. South Vietnam entered a period of extreme political instability, as one military government toppled another in quick succession. Increasingly, each new regime was viewed by the communists as a puppet of the Americans; whatever the failings of Diệm, his credentials as a nationalist (as Robert McNamara later reflected) had been impeccable.[79]:328
Viet Cong fighters crossing a river U.S. military advisors were embedded at every level of the South Vietnamese armed forces. They were however criticized for ignoring the political nature of the insurgency.[115] The Kennedy administration sought to refocus U.S. efforts on pacification- which in this case was defined as countering the growing threat of insurgency- [116][117] and "winning over the hearts and minds" of the population. The military leadership in Washington, however, was hostile to any role for U.S. advisors other than conventional troop training.[118] General Paul Harkins, the commander of U.S. forces in South Vietnam, confidently predicted victory by Christmas 1963.[81]:103 The CIA was less optimistic, however, warning that "the Viet Cong by and large retain de facto control of much of the countryside and have steadily increased the overall intensity of the effort".[119]
Paramilitary officers from the CIA's Special Activities Division trained and led Hmong tribesmen in Laos and into Vietnam. The indigenous forces numbered in the tens of thousands and they conducted direct action missions, led by paramilitary officers, against the Communist Pathet Lao forces and their North Vietnamese supporters.[120] The CIA also ran the Phoenix Program and participated in Military Assistance Command, Vietnam – Studies and Observations Group (MAC-V SOG), which was originally named the Special Operations Group, but was changed for cover purposes.[121]
Johnson's escalation, 1963–1969 Main article: Joint warfare in South Vietnam, 1963–1969 Further information: Role of the United States in the Vietnam War § Americanization See also: January 1964 South Vietnamese coup, September 1964 South Vietnamese coup attempt, December 1964 South Vietnamese coup, and 1965 South Vietnamese coup President Kennedy was assassinated on 22 November 1963. Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson had not been heavily involved with policy toward Vietnam;[122][A 6] however, upon becoming president, Johnson immediately focused on the war. On 24 November 1963, he said, "the battle against communism ... must be joined ... with strength and determination."[124] Johnson knew he had inherited a rapidly deteriorating situation in South Vietnam,[125] but he adhered to the widely accepted domino theory argument for defending the South: Should they retreat or appease, either action would imperil other nations beyond the conflict.[126]
The military revolutionary council, meeting in lieu of a strong South Vietnamese leader, was made up of 12 members. This council was headed by General Dương Văn Minh, whom Stanley Karnow, a journalist on the ground, later recalled as "a model of lethargy".[89]:340 Lodge, frustrated by the end of the year, cabled home about Minh: "Will he be strong enough to get on top of things?" Minh's regime was overthrown in January 1964 by General Nguyễn Khánh.[89]:341 There was also persistent instability in the military, however, as several coups—not all successful—occurred in a short period of time.
In a statement similar to that made to the French almost two decades earlier, Ho Chi Minh warned that if the Americans "want to make war for twenty years then we shall make war for twenty years. If they want to make peace, we shall make peace and invite them to afternoon tea."[101]:172 Some have argued that the policy of North Vietnam was not to topple other non-communist governments in South East Asia.[79]:48
Gulf of Tonkin incident Main article: Gulf of Tonkin incident Further information: Credibility gap On 2 August 1964, USS Maddox, on an intelligence mission along North Vietnam's coast, allegedly fired upon and damaged several torpedo boats that had been stalking it in the Gulf of Tonkin.[70]:124 A second attack was reported two days later on USS Turner Joy and Maddox in the same area. The circumstances of the attacks were murky.[35]:218–9 Lyndon Johnson commented to Undersecretary of State George Ball that "those sailors out there may have been shooting at flying fish."[127]
An undated NSA publication declassified in 2005 revealed that there was no attack on 4 August.[128]
File:1965-02-08 Showdown in Vietnam.ogv Universal Newsreel film about the attack on the U.S. Army base in Pleiku and the U.S. response, February 1965 The second "attack" led to retaliatory airstrikes, and prompted Congress to approve the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution on 7 August 1964.[129]:78 The resolution granted the president power "to take all necessary measures to repel any armed attack against the forces of the United States and to prevent further aggression" and Johnson would rely on this as giving him authority to expand the war.[35]:221 In the same month, Johnson pledged that he was not "committing American boys to fighting a war that I think ought to be fought by the boys of Asia to help protect their own land".[35]:227
A U.S. B-66 Destroyer and four F-105 Thunderchiefs dropping bombs on North Vietnam during Operation Rolling Thunder The National Security Council recommended a three-stage escalation of the bombing of North Vietnam. Following an attack on a U.S. Army base in Pleiku on 7 February 1965,[130] a series of airstrikes was initiated, Operation Flaming Dart, while Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin was on a state visit to North Vietnam. Operation Rolling Thunder and Operation Arc Light expanded aerial bombardment and ground support operations.[131] The bombing campaign, which ultimately lasted three years, was intended to force North Vietnam to cease its support for the Viet Cong by threatening to destroy North Vietnamese air defenses and industrial infrastructure. It was additionally aimed at bolstering the morale of the South Vietnamese.[132] Between March 1965 and November 1968, Rolling Thunder deluged the north with a million tons of missiles, rockets and bombs.[89]:468
Bombing of Laos Main article: Laotian Civil War
Ho Chi Minh awards a medal to Nguyễn Văn Cốc, who was claimed to have been responsible for downing 11 enemy aircraft. Bombing was not restricted to North Vietnam. Other aerial campaigns, such as Operation Barrel Roll, targeted different parts of the Viet Cong and PAVN infrastructure. These included the Ho Chi Minh trail supply route, which ran through Laos and Cambodia. The ostensibly neutral Laos had become the scene of a civil war, pitting the Laotian government backed by the US against the Pathet Lao and its North Vietnamese allies.
Massive aerial bombardment against the Pathet Lao and PAVN forces were carried out by the US to prevent the collapse of the Royal central government, and to deny the use of the Ho Chi Minh Trail. Between 1964 and 1973, the U.S. dropped two million tons of bombs on Laos, nearly equal to the 2.1 million tons of bombs the U.S. dropped on Europe and Asia during all of World War II, making Laos the most heavily bombed country in history relative to the size of its population.[133]
The objective of stopping North Vietnam and the Viet Cong was never reached. The Chief of Staff of the United States Air Force Curtis LeMay, however, had long advocated saturation bombing in Vietnam and wrote of the communists that "we're going to bomb them back into the Stone Age".[35]:328
The 1964 Offensive
ARVN Forces and a US Advisor inspect a downed helicopter, Battle of Dong Xoai, June 1965 Following the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, Hanoi anticipated the arrival of US troops and began expanding the Viet Cong, as well as sending increasing numbers of North Vietnamese personnel southwards. At this phase they were outfitting the Viet Cong forces and standardising their equipment with AK-47 rifles and other supplies, as well as forming the 9th Division.[35]:223[134] "From a strength of approximately 5,000 at the start of 1959 the Viet Cong's ranks grew to about 100,000 at the end of 1964 ... Between 1961 and 1964 the Army's strength rose from about 850,000 to nearly a million men."[115] The numbers for U.S. troops deployed to Vietnam during the same period were much lower: 2,000 in 1961, rising rapidly to 16,500 in 1964.[135] During this phase, the use of captured equipment decreased, while greater numbers of ammunition and supplies were required to maintain regular units. Group 559 was tasked with expanding the Ho Chi Minh trail, in light of the near constant bombardment by US warplanes. The war had begun to shift into the final, conventional warfare phase of Hanoi's three-stage protracted warfare model. The Viet Cong was now tasked with destroying the ARVN and capturing and holding areas; however, the Viet Cong was not yet strong enough to assault major towns and cities.
In December 1964, ARVN forces had suffered heavy losses at the Battle of Bình Giã,[136] in a battle that both sides viewed as a watershed. Previously, the VC had utilised hit-and-run guerrilla tactics. At Binh Gia, however, they had defeated a strong ARVN force in a conventional battle and remained in the field for four days.[137]:58 Tellingly, South Vietnamese forces were again defeated in June 1965 at the Battle of Đồng Xoài.[137]:94
American ground war See also: Buddhist Uprising
A Marine from 1st Battalion, 3rd Marines, moves a suspected Viet Cong during a search and clear operation held by the battalion 15 miles (24 km) west of Da Nang Air Base, 1965. On 8 March 1965, 3,500 U.S. Marines were landed near Da Nang, South Vietnam.[35]:246–7 This marked the beginning of the American ground war. U.S. public opinion overwhelmingly supported the deployment.[138] The Marines' initial assignment was the defense of Da Nang Air Base. The first deployment of 3,500 in March 1965 was increased to nearly 200,000 by December.[79]:349–51 The U.S. military had long been schooled in offensive warfare. Regardless of political policies, U.S. commanders were institutionally and psychologically unsuited to a defensive mission.[79]:349–51
General William Westmoreland informed Admiral U. S. Grant Sharp Jr., commander of U.S. Pacific forces, that the situation was critical.[79]:349–51 He said, "I am convinced that U.S. troops with their energy, mobility, and firepower can successfully take the fight to the NLF (Viet Cong)".[139] With this recommendation, Westmoreland was advocating an aggressive departure from America's defensive posture and the sidelining of the South Vietnamese. By ignoring ARVN units, the U.S. commitment became open-ended.[79]:353 Westmoreland outlined a three-point plan to win the war:
Phase 1. Commitment of U.S. (and other free world) forces necessary to halt the losing trend by the end of 1965. Phase 2. U.S. and allied forces mount major offensive actions to seize the initiative to destroy guerrilla and organized enemy forces. This phase would end when the enemy had been worn down, thrown on the defensive, and driven back from major populated areas. Phase 3. If the enemy persisted, a period of twelve to eighteen months following Phase 2 would be required for the final destruction of enemy forces remaining in remote base areas.[140]
Peasants suspected of being Viet Cong under detention of U.S. Army, 1966 The plan was approved by Johnson and marked a profound departure from the previous administration's insistence that the government of South Vietnam was responsible for defeating the guerrillas. Westmoreland predicted victory by the end of 1967.[141] Johnson did not, however, communicate this change in strategy to the media. Instead he emphasized continuity.[142] The change in U.S. policy depended on matching the North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong in a contest of attrition and morale. The opponents were locked in a cycle of escalation.[79]:353–4 The idea that the government of South Vietnam could manage its own affairs was shelved.[79]:353–4 Westmoreland and McNamara furthermore touted the body count system for gauging victory, a metric that would later prove to be flawed.[143]
The American buildup transformed the South Vietnamese economy and had a profound effect on society. South Vietnam was inundated with manufactured goods. Stanley Karnow noted that "the main PX [Post Exchange], located in the Saigon suburb of Cholon, was only slightly smaller than the New York Bloomingdale's ..."[89]:453 A huge surge in corruption was witnessed. Meanwhile, the one-year tour of duty of American soldiers deprived units of experienced leadership. As one observer noted "we were not in Vietnam for 10 years, but for one year 10 times."[144][verification needed] As a result, training programs were shortened.
Heavily bandaged woman burned by napalm, with a tag attached to her arm which reads "VNC Female" meaning Vietnamese civilian Washington encouraged its SEATO allies to contribute troops. Australia, New Zealand, Thailand and the Philippines[89]:556 all agreed to send troops. South Korea would later ask to join the Many Flags program in return for economic compensation. Major allies, however, notably NATO nations Canada and the United Kingdom, declined Washington's troop requests.[145]
The U.S. and its allies mounted complex search and destroy operations, designed to find enemy forces, destroy them, and then withdraw, typically using helicopters. In November 1965, the U.S. engaged in its first major battle with the PAVN, the Battle of Ia Drang.[146] The operation was the first large scale helicopter air assault by the U.S., and first to employ Boeing B-52 Stratofortress strategic bombers in a tactical support role.[35]:284–5 These tactics continued in 1966–1967 with operations such as Masher, Thayer, Attleboro, Cedar Falls and Junction City. However, the PAVN/VC insurgents remained elusive and demonstrated great tactical flexibility. By 1967, these operations had generated large-scale internal refugees, numbering nearly 2.1 million in South Vietnam, with 125,000 people evacuated and rendered homeless during Operation Masher alone, which was the largest search and destroy operation in the war up to that point.[147] Operation Masher would have negligible impact, however, as the PAVN/VC returned to the province just four months after the operation ended.[148]:153–6 Despite the continual conductance of major operations, which the Viet Cong and PAVN would typically evade, the war was characterised by smaller-unit contacts or engagements.[149] Up to the war's end, the Viet Cong and PAVN would initiate 90% of large firefights, of which 80% were clear and well-planned operations, and thus the PAVN/Viet Cong would retain strategic initiative despite overwhelming US force and fire-power deployment.[149] The PAVN/Viet Cong had furthermore developed strategies capable of countering U.S. military doctrines and tactics (see NLF and PAVN battle tactics).
U.S. soldiers searching a village for potential Viet Cong Meanwhile, the political situation in South Vietnam began to stabilise with the coming to power of prime minister Air Marshal Nguyễn Cao Kỳ and figurehead chief of state, General Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, in mid-1965 at the head of a military junta. This ended a series of coups that had happened more than once a year. In 1967, Thieu became president with Ky as his deputy, after rigged elections. Although they were nominally a civilian government, Ky was supposed to maintain real power through a behind-the-scenes military body. However, Thieu outmanoeuvred and sidelined Ky by filling the ranks with generals from his faction. Thieu was also accused of murdering Ky loyalists through contrived military accidents. Thieu, mistrustful and indecisive, remained president until 1975, having won a one-candidate election in 1971.[89]:706
A US "tunnel rat" soldier prepares to enter a Viet Cong tunnel.
Viet Cong soldier crouches in a bunker with an SKS rifle The Johnson administration employed a "policy of minimum candor"[89]:18 in its dealings with the media. Military information officers sought to manage media coverage by emphasizing stories that portrayed progress in the war. Over time, this policy damaged the public trust in official pronouncements. As the media's coverage of the war and that of the Pentagon diverged, a so-called credibility gap developed.[89]:18 Despite Johnson and Westmoreland publicly proclaiming victory and Westmoreland stating that the "end is coming into view",[150] internal reports in the Pentagon Papers indicate that Viet Cong forces retained strategic initiative and controlled their losses. Viet Cong attacks against static US positions accounted for 30% of all engagements, VC/PAVN ambushes and encirclements for 23%, American ambushes against Viet Cong/PAVN forces for 9%, and American forces attacking Viet Cong emplacements for only 5% of all engagements.[149]
Types of Engagements, From Department of Defence Study 1967[149] TYPE OF ENGAGEMENTS IN COMBAT NARRATIVES Percentage of Total Engagements
Notes Hot Landing Zone. VC/PAVN Attacks U.S. Troops As They Deploy 12.5% Planned VC/PAVN Attacks Are 66.2% Of All Engagements
Planned VC/PAVN Attack Against US Defensive Perimeter 30.4% VC/PAVN Ambushes or Encircles A Moving US Unit 23.3% Unplanned US Attacks On A VC/PAVN Defensive Perimeter, Engagement A Virtual Surprise To US Commanders
12.5% Defensive Posts Being Well Concealed or VC/PAVN Alerted or Anticipated
Planned US Attack Against Known VC/PAVN Defensive Perimeter
5.4% Planned US Attacks Against VC/PAVN Represent 14.3%
Of All Engagements
US Forces Ambushes Moving VC/PAVN Units 8.9% Chance Engagement, Neither Side Planned 7.1% Tet Offensive Main articles: Tet Offensive and United States news media and the Vietnam War
ARVN forces assault a stronghold in the Mekong Delta.
Viet Cong before departing to participate in the Tet Offensive around Saigon-Gia Dinh In late 1967, the PAVN lured American forces into the hinterlands at Đắk Tô and at the Marine Khe Sanh combat base in Quảng Trị Province, where the U.S. fought a series of battles known as The Hill Fights. These actions were part of a diversionary strategy meant to draw US forces towards the Central Highlands.[151] Preparations were underway for the General Offensive, General Uprising, known as Tet Mau Than, or the Tet Offensive, with the intention of Văn Tiến Dũng for forces to launch "direct attacks on the American and puppet nerve centers—Saigon, Huế, Danang, all the cities, towns and main bases..."[152] Le Duan sought to placate critics of the ongoing stalemate by planning a decisive victory.[153]:90–4 He reasoned that this could be achieved through sparking a general uprising within the towns and cities,[153]:148 along with mass defections among ARVN units, who were on holiday leave during the truce period.[154]
The Tet Offensive began on 30 January 1968, as over 100 cities were attacked by over 85,000 VC/PAVN troops, including assaults on key military installations, headquarters, and government buildings and offices, including the U.S. Embassy in Saigon.[79]:363–5 U.S. and South Vietnamese forces were initially shocked by the scale, intensity and deliberative planning of the urban offensive, as infiltration of personnel and weapons into the cities was accomplished covertly;[152] the offensive constituted an intelligence failure on the scale of Pearl Harbor.[89]:556 Most cities were recaptured within weeks, except the former imperial capital of Huế in which PAVN/Viet Cong troops captured most of the city and citadel except the headquarters of the 1st Division and held on in the fighting for 26 days.[155]:495 During that time, they had executed approximately 2,800 unarmed Huế civilians and foreigners they considered to be enemy's spies.[156][155]:495 In the following Battle of Huế American forces employed massive firepower that left 80 percent of the city in ruins.[70]:308–9 Further north, at Quảng Trị City, the ARVN Airborne Division, the 1st Division and a regiment of the US 1st Cavalry Division had managed to hold out and overcome an assault intended to capture the city.[157]:[158]:104 In Saigon, Viet Cong/PAVN fighters had captured areas in and around the city, attacking key installations and the neighbourhood of Cholon before US and ARVN forces dislodged them after three weeks.[35]:479 During one battle, Peter Arnett reported an infantry commander saying of the Battle of Bến Tre (laid to rubble by U.S. attacks) that "it became necessary to destroy the village in order to save it."[159][160]
North Vietnamese regular army forces
The ruins of a section of Saigon, in the Cholon neighborhood, following fierce fighting between ARVN forces and Viet Cong Main Force battalions During the first month of the offensive, 1,100 Americans and other allied troops, 2,100 ARVN and 14,000 civilians were killed.[161] By the end of the first offensive, after two months, nearly 5,000 ARVN and over 4,000 U.S. forces had been killed and 45,820 wounded.[161] The U.S. claimed 17,000 of the PAVN and Viet Cong had been killed and 15,000 wounded.[158]:104[157]:82 A month later a second offensive known as the May Offensive was launched; although less widespread, it demonstrated the Viet Cong were still capable of carrying out orchestrated nationwide offensives.[35]:488–9 Two months later a third offensive was launched, the Phase III Offensive. The PAVN's own official records of their losses across all three offensives was 45,267 killed and 111,179 total casualties.[162][163] By then it had become the bloodiest year of the war up to that point. The failure to spark a general uprising and the lack of defections among the ARVN units meant both war goals of Hanoi had fallen flat at enormous costs.[153]:148–9
Prior to Tet, in November 1967, Westmoreland had spearheaded a public relations drive for the Johnson administration to bolster flagging public support.[164] In a speech before the National Press Club he said a point in the war had been reached "where the end comes into view."[165] Thus, the public was shocked and confused when Westmoreland's predictions were trumped by the Tet Offensive.[164] Public approval of his overall performance dropped from 48 percent to 36 percent, and endorsement for the war effort fell from 40 percent to 26 percent."[89]:546 The American public and media began to turn against Johnson as the three offensives contradicted claims of progress made by the Johnson administration and the military.[164]
At one point in 1968, Westmoreland considered the use of nuclear weapons in Vietnam in a contingency plan codenamed Fracture Jaw, which was abandoned when it became known to the White House.[166] Westmoreland requested 200,000 additional troops, which was leaked to the media, and the subsequent fallout combined with intelligence failures caused him to be removed from command in March 1968, succeeded by his deputy Creighton Abrams.[167]
Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin with U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson at the Glassboro Summit Conference where the two representatives discussed the possibilities of a peace settlement On 10 May 1968, peace talks began between the United States and North Vietnam in Paris. Negotiations stagnated for five months, until Johnson gave orders to halt the bombing of North Vietnam. At the same time, Hanoi realized it could not achieve a "total victory" and employed a strategy known as "talking while fighting, fighting while talking", in which military offensives would occur concurrently with negotiations.[168]
Johnson declined to run for re-election as his approval rating slumped from 48 to 36 percent.[35]:486 His escalation of the war in Vietnam divided Americans into warring camps, cost 30,000 American lives by that point and was regarded to have destroyed his presidency.[35]:486 Refusal to send more U.S. troops to Vietnam was also seen as Johnson's admission that the war was lost.[169] As Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara noted, "the dangerous illusion of victory by the United States was therefore dead."[79]:367
Vietnam was a major political issue during the United States presidential election in 1968. The election was won by Republican party candidate Richard Nixon who claimed to have a secret plan to end the war.[35]:515[170]
Vietnamization, 1969–1972 Nuclear threats and diplomacy U.S. president Richard Nixon began troop withdrawals in 1969. His plan to build up the ARVN so that it could take over the defense of South Vietnam became known as "Vietnamization". As the PAVN/VC recovered from their 1968 losses and generally avoided contact, Creighton Abrams conducted operations aimed at disrupting logistics, with better use of firepower and more cooperation with the ARVN.[35]:517 On 27 October 1969, Nixon had ordered a squadron of 18 B-52s loaded with nuclear weapons to race to the border of Soviet airspace to convince the Soviet Union, in accord with the madman theory, that he was capable of anything to end the Vietnam War.[171][172] Nixon had also sought détente with the Soviet Union and rapprochement with China, which decreased global tensions and led to nuclear arms reduction by both superpowers; however, there was disappointment when both sides continued to supply the North Vietnamese with aid.[citation needed]
Hanoi's war strategy
Propaganda leaflet urging the defection of Viet Cong and North Vietnamese to the side of the Republic of Vietnam In September 1969, Ho Chi Minh died at age seventy-nine.[173] The failure of Tet in sparking a popular uprising caused a shift in Hanoi's war strategy, and the Giáp-Chinh "Northern-First" faction regained control over military affairs from the Lê Duẩn-Hoàng Văn Thái "Southern-First" faction.[174]:272–4 An unconventional victory was sidelined in favor of a strategy built on conventional victory through conquest.[153]:196–205 Large-scale offensives were rolled back in favour of small-unit and sapper attacks as well as targeting the pacification and Vietnamization strategy.[174] In the two-year period following Tet, the PAVN had begun its transformation from a fine light-infantry, limited mobility force into a high-mobile and mechanised combined arms force.[174]:189
U.S. domestic controversies The anti-war movement was gaining strength in the United States. Nixon appealed to the "silent majority" of Americans who he said supported the war without showing it in public. But revelations of the 1968 My Lai Massacre,[35]:518–21 in which a U.S. Army unit raped and killed civilians, and the 1969 "Green Beret Affair", where eight Special Forces soldiers, including the 5th Special Forces Group Commander, were arrested for the murder[175] of a suspected double agent,[176] provoked national and international outrage.
In 1971, the Pentagon Papers were leaked to The New York Times. The top-secret history of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, commissioned by the Department of Defense, detailed a long series of public deceptions on the part of the U.S. government. The Supreme Court ruled that its publication was legal.[177]
Collapsing U.S. morale Further information: G.I. movement Following the Tet Offensive and the decreasing support among the U.S. public for the war, U.S. forces began a period of morale collapse, disillusionment and disobedience.[178]:349–50[179]:166–75 At home, desertion rates quadrupled from 1966 levels.[180] Among the enlisted, only 2.5% chose infantry combat positions in 1969–1970.[180] ROTC enrollment decreased from 191,749 in 1966 to 72,459 by 1971,[181] and reached an all-time low of 33,220 in 1974,[182] depriving U.S. forces of much-needed military leadership.
Open refusal to engage in patrols or carry out orders and disobedience began to emerge during this period, with one notable case of an entire company refusing orders to engage or carry out operations.[183] Unit cohesion began to dissipate and focused on minimising contact with Viet Cong and PAVN.[179]: A practice known as "sand-bagging" started occurring, where units ordered to go on patrol would go into the country-side, find a site out of view from superiors and rest while radioing in false coordinates and unit reports.[148]:407–11 Drug usage increased rapidly among U.S. forces during this period, as 30% of U.S. troops regularly used marijuana,[148]:407 while a House subcommittee found 10-15% of U.S. troops in Vietnam regularly used high-grade heroin.[180][35]:526 From 1969 on, search-and-destroy operations became referred to as "search and evade" or "search and avoid" operations, falsifying battle reports while avoiding guerrilla fighters.[184] A total of 900 fragging and suspected fragging incidents were investigated, most occurring between 1969 and 1971.[185]:331[148]:407 In 1969, field-performance of the U.S. Forces was characterised by lowered morale, lack of motivation, and poor leadership.[185]:331 The significant decline in U.S. morale was demonstrated by the Battle of FSB Mary Ann in March 1971, in which a sapper attack inflicted serious losses on the U.S. defenders.[185]:357 William Westmoreland, no longer in command but tasked with investigation of the failure, cited a clear dereliction of duty, lax defensive postures and lack of officers in charge as its cause.[185]:357
On the collapse of U.S. morale, historian Shelby Stanton wrote:
In the last years of the Army's retreat, its remaining forces were relegated to static security. The American Army's decline was readily apparent in this final stage. Racial incidents, drug abuse, combat disobedience, and crime reflected growing idleness, resentment, and frustration... the fatal handicaps of faulty campaign strategy, incomplete wartime preparation, and the tardy, superficial attempts at Vietnamization. An entire American army was sacrificed on the battlefield of Vietnam.[185]:366–8
ARVN taking the lead and U.S. ground-force withdrawal
ARVN and US Special Forces, September 1968 Beginning in 1970, American troops were withdrawn from border areas where most of the fighting took place and instead redeployed along the coast and interior. US casualties in 1970 were less than half of 1969 casualties after being relegated to less active combat.[186] While US forces were redeployed, the ARVN took over combat operations throughout the country, with casualties double US casualties in 1969, and more than triple US ones in 1970.[187] In the post-Tet environment, membership in the South Vietnamese Regional Force and Popular Force militias grew, and they were now more capable of providing village security, which the Americans had not accomplished under Westmoreland.[187]
In 1970, Nixon announced the withdrawal of an additional 150,000 American troops, reducing the number of Americans to 265,500.[186] By 1970, Viet Cong forces were no longer southern-majority, as nearly 70% of units were northerners.[188] Between 1969 and 1971 the Viet Cong and some PAVN units had reverted to small unit tactics typical of 1967 and prior instead of nationwide grand offensives.[153]: In 1971, Australia and New Zealand withdrew their soldiers and U.S. troop count was further reduced to 196,700, with a deadline to remove another 45,000 troops by February 1972. The United States also reduced support troops, and in March 1971 the 5th Special Forces Group, the first American unit deployed to South Vietnam, withdrew to Fort Bragg, North Carolina.[189]:240[A 7]
Cambodia Main articles: Operation Menu, Operation Freedom Deal, and Cambodian Civil War
A memorial of a T-54/Type 59 tank in Siem Reap, Cambodia, commemorating the overthrow of US/RVN-backed Lon Nol and the end of the civil war by the PAVN and GRUNK Prince Norodom Sihanouk had proclaimed Cambodia neutral since 1955,[192] but permitted the PAVN/Viet Cong to use the port of Sihanoukville and the Sihanouk Trail. In March 1969 Nixon launched a massive secret bombing campaign, called Operation Menu, against communist sanctuaries along the Cambodia/Vietnam border. Only five high-ranking congressional officials were informed of Operation Menu.[A 8]
In March 1970, Prince Sihanouk was deposed by his pro-American prime minister Lon Nol, who demanded that North Vietnamese troops leave Cambodia or face military action.[193] Lon Nol began rounding up Vietnamese civilians in Cambodia into internment camps and massacring them, provoking harsh reactions from both the North Vietnamese and South Vietnamese government.[194] North Vietnam invaded Cambodia at the request of the Khmer Rouge following negotiations with deputy leader Nuon Chea. In April–May 1970, many North Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in response to the call for help addressed to Vietnam by Nuon Chea. Nguyen Co Thach recalls: "Nuon Chea has asked for help and we have liberated five provinces of Cambodia in ten days."[195] U.S. and ARVN forces launched the Cambodian Campaign to attack PAVN and Viet Cong bases. A counter-offensive later that year as part of Operation Chenla II by the PAVN would recapture most of the border areas and decimate most of Lon Nol's forces.
An alleged Viet Cong captured during an attack on an American outpost near the Cambodian border is interrogated. The invasion of Cambodia sparked nationwide U.S. protests as Nixon had promised to deescalate the American involvement. Four students were killed by National Guardsmen in May 1970 during a protest at Kent State University in Ohio, which provoked further public outrage in the United States. The reaction to the incident by the Nixon administration was seen as callous and indifferent, reinvigorating the declining anti-war movement.[179]:128–9 The U.S. Air Force continued to heavily bomb Cambodia in support of the Cambodian government as part of Operation Freedom Deal.
Laos Main articles: Operation Commando Hunt, Operation Lam Son 719, and Laotian Civil War
Pathet Lao soldiers in Vientiane, 1972 Building up on the success of ARVN units in Cambodia, and further testing the Vietnamization program, the ARVN were tasked to launch Operation Lam Son 719 in February 1971, the first major ground operation aimed directly at attacking the Ho Chi Minh trail by attacking the major crossroad of Tchepone. This offensive would also be the first time the PAVN would field-test its combined arms force.[153]: The first few days were considered a success but the momentum had slowed after fierce resistance. Thiệu had halted the general advance, leaving armoured divisions able to surround them.[196] Thieu had ordered air assault troops to capture Tchepone and withdraw, despite facing four-times larger numbers. During the withdrawal the PAVN counterattack had forced a panicked rout. Half of the ARVN troops involved were either captured or killed, half of the ARVN/US support helicopters were downed by anti-aircraft fire and the operation was considered a fiasco, demonstrating operational deficiencies still present within the ARVN.[89]:644–5 Nixon and Thieu had sought to use this event to show-case victory simply by capturing Tchepone, and it was spun off as an "operational success".[196][35]:576–82
Easter Offensive and Paris Peace Accords, 1972 Vietnamization was again tested by the Easter Offensive of 1972, a massive conventional PAVN invasion of South Vietnam. The PAVN quickly overran the northern provinces and in coordination with other forces attacked from Cambodia, threatening to cut the country in half. U.S. troop withdrawals continued, but American airpower responded, beginning Operation Linebacker, and the offensive was halted.[35]:606–37
Russian advisers inspecting the debris of a B-52 downed in the vicinity of Hanoi The war was central to the 1972 U.S. presidential election as Nixon's opponent, George McGovern, campaigned on immediate withdrawal. Nixon's National Security Advisor, Henry Kissinger, had continued secret negotiations with North Vietnam's Lê Đức Thọ and in October 1972 reached an agreement. President Thieu demanded changes to the peace accord upon its discovery, and when North Vietnam went public with the agreement's details, the Nixon administration claimed they were attempting to embarrass the president. The negotiations became deadlocked when Hanoi demanded new changes. To show his support for South Vietnam and force Hanoi back to the negotiating table, Nixon ordered Operation Linebacker II, a massive bombing of Hanoi and Haiphong 18–29 December 1972.[35]:649–63 Nixon pressured Thieu to accept the terms of the agreement, threatening to conclude a bilateral peace deal and cut off American aid while promising an air-response in case of invasion.
On 15 January 1973, all U.S. combat activities were suspended. Lê Đức Thọ and Henry Kissinger, along with the PRG Foreign Minister Nguyễn Thị Bình and a reluctant President Thiệu, signed the Paris Peace Accords on 27 January 1973.[148]:508–13 This officially ended direct U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, created a ceasefire between North Vietnam/PRG and South Vietnam, guaranteed the territorial integrity of Vietnam under the Geneva Conference of 1954, called for elections or a political settlement between the PRG and South Vietnam, allowed 200,000 communist troops to remain in the south, and agreed to a POW exchange. There was a sixty-day period for the total withdrawal of U.S. forces. "This article", noted Peter Church, "proved… to be the only one of the Paris Agreements which was fully carried out."[197] All US forces personnel were completely withdrawn by March 1973.[81]:260
U.S. exit and final campaigns, 1973–1975
Viet Cong soldier stands beneath a Viet Cong flag carrying his AK-47 rifle. He was participating in the exchange of POWs by the International Commission of Control and Supervision in 1973 In the lead-up to the ceasefire on 28 January, both sides attempted to maximize the land and population under their control in a campaign known as the War of the flags. Fighting continued after the ceasefire, this time without US participation, and continued throughout the year.[148]:508–13 North Vietnam was allowed to continue supplying troops in the South but only to the extent of replacing expended material. Later that year the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Kissinger and Thọ, but the North Vietnamese negotiator declined it saying that a true peace did not yet exist.
On 15 March 1973, Nixon implied the US would intervene again militarily if the North launched a full offensive and Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger re-affirmed this position during his June 1973 confirmation hearings. Public and congressional reaction to Nixon's statement was unfavorable, prompting the U.S. Senate to pass the Case–Church Amendment to prohibit any intervention.[89]:670–2
American POWs recently released from North Vietnamese prison camps, 1973 PAVN/VC leaders expected the ceasefire terms would favor their side, but Saigon, bolstered by a surge of U.S. aid received just before the ceasefire went into effect, began to roll back the Viet Cong. The PAVN/VC responded with a new strategy hammered out in a series of meetings in Hanoi in March 1973, according to the memoirs of Trần Văn Trà.[89]:672–4 With U.S. bombings suspended, work on the Ho Chi Minh trail and other logistical structures could proceed unimpeded. Logistics would be upgraded until the North was in a position to launch a massive invasion of the South, projected for the 1975–1976 dry season. Tra calculated that this date would be Hanoi's last opportunity to strike before Saigon's army could be fully trained.[89]:672–4 The PAVN/VC resumed offensive operations when the dry season began in 1973, and by January 1974 had recaptured territory it lost during the previous dry season.
Within South Vietnam, the departure of the US military and the global recession that followed the 1973 oil crisis hurt an economy that was partly dependent on U.S. financial support and troop presence. After two clashes that left 55 ARVN soldiers dead, President Thieu announced on 4 January 1974, that the war had restarted and that the Paris Peace Accords were no longer in effect. This was despite there being over 25,000 South Vietnamese casualties during the ceasefire period.[198][35]:683
Civilians in a NVA/Viet Cong controlled zone. Civilians were required to show appropriate flags, during the War of the flags The success of the 1973–1974 dry season offensive inspired Trà to return to Hanoi in October 1974 and plead for a larger offensive the next dry season. This time, Trà could travel on a drivable highway with regular fueling stops, a vast change from the days when the Ho Chi Minh trail was a dangerous mountain trek.[89]:676 Giáp, the North Vietnamese defence minister, was reluctant to approve of Trà's plan since a larger offensive might provoke U.S. reaction and interfere with the big push planned for 1976. Trà appealed over Giáp's head to first secretary Lê Duẩn, who approved of the operation. Trà's plan called for a limited offensive from Cambodia into Phước Long Province. The strike was designed to solve local logistical problems, gauge the reaction of South Vietnamese forces, and determine whether the U.S. would return.[35]:685–90
Memorial commemorating the 1974 Buon Me Thuot campaign, depicting a Montagnard of the Central Highlands, a NVA soldier and a T-54 tank At the start of 1975, the South Vietnamese had three times as much artillery and twice the number of tanks and armoured cars as the PAVN. They also had 1,400 aircraft and a two-to-one numerical superiority in combat troops over the PAVN/VC.[199] However, the rising oil prices meant that much of this could not be used, and the rushed nature of Vietnamization, intended to cover the US retreat, saw a lack of spare parts, ground-crew and maintenance personnel, rendering most of the equipment given inoperable.[178]:362–6 Gerald Ford took over as U.S. president on 9 August 1974 after President Nixon resigned due to the Watergate scandal and Congress cut financial aid to South Vietnam from $1 billion a year to $700 million. Congress also voted in further restrictions on funding to be phased in through 1975 and to culminate in a total cutoff in 1976.[35]:686
On 13 December 1974, North Vietnamese forces attacked Phước Long. Phuoc Binh, the provincial capital, fell on 6 January 1975. Ford desperately asked Congress for funds to assist and re-supply the South before it was overrun.[200] Congress refused.[200] The fall of Phuoc Binh and the lack of an American response left the South Vietnamese elite demoralized.
The speed of this success led the Politburo to reassess its strategy. It was decided that operations in the Central Highlands would be turned over to General Văn Tiến Dũng and that Pleiku should be seized, if possible. Before he left for the South, Dũng was addressed by Lê Duẩn: "Never have we had military and political conditions so perfect or a strategic advantage as great as we have now."[201]
Campaign 275 See also: 1975 Spring Offensive, Battle of Ban Me Thuot, and Hue–Da Nang Campaign
The capture of Hue, March 1975 On 10 March 1975, General Dung launched Campaign 275, a limited offensive into the Central Highlands, supported by tanks and heavy artillery. The target was Buôn Ma Thuột, in Đắk Lắk Province. If the town could be taken, the provincial capital of Pleiku and the road to the coast would be exposed for a planned campaign in 1976. The ARVN proved incapable of resisting the onslaught, and its forces collapsed on 11 March. Once again, Hanoi was surprised by the speed of their success. Dung now urged the Politburo to allow him to seize Pleiku immediately and then turn his attention to Kon Tum. He argued that with two months of good weather remaining until the onset of the monsoon, it would be irresponsible to not take advantage of the situation.[20]:
President Thiệu, a former general, was fearful that his forces would be cut off in the north by the attacking communists; Thieu ordered a retreat, which soon turned into a bloody rout. While the bulk of ARVN forces attempted to flee, isolated units fought desperately. ARVN general Phu abandoned Pleiku and Kon Tum and retreated toward the coast, in what became known as the "column of tears".[35]:693–4
On 20 March, Thieu reversed himself and ordered Huế, Vietnam's third-largest city, be held at all costs, and then changed his policy several times. As the PAVN launched their attack, panic set in, and ARVN resistance withered. On 22 March, the PAVN opened the siege of Huế. Civilians flooded the airport and the docks hoping for any mode of escape. As resistance in Huế collapsed, PAVN rockets rained down on Da Nang and its airport. By 28 March 35,000 PAVN troops were poised to attack the suburbs. By 30 March 100,000 leaderless ARVN troops surrendered as the PAVN marched victoriously through Da Nang. With the fall of the city, the defense of the Central Highlands and Northern provinces came to an end.[35]:699–700
Final North Vietnamese offensive Further information on the final North Vietnamese offensive: Ho Chi Minh Campaign
Lê Minh Đảo and remnants of the 18th Division and surviving units made a last stand at the Battle of Xuân Lộc. With the northern half of the country under their control, the Politburo ordered General Dung to launch the final offensive against Saigon. The operational plan for the Ho Chi Minh Campaign called for the capture of Saigon before 1 May. Hanoi wished to avoid the coming monsoon and prevent any redeployment of ARVN forces defending the capital. Northern forces, their morale boosted by their recent victories, rolled on, taking Nha Trang, Cam Ranh and Da Lat.[35]:702–4
On 7 April, three PAVN divisions attacked Xuân Lộc, 40 miles (64 km) east of Saigon. For two bloody weeks, severe fighting raged as the ARVN defenders made a last stand to try to block the PAVN advance. On 21 April, however, the exhausted garrison was ordered to withdraw towards Saigon.[35]:704–7 An embittered and tearful president Thieu resigned on the same day, declaring that the United States had betrayed South Vietnam. In a scathing attack, he suggested that Kissinger had tricked him into signing the Paris peace agreement two years earlier, promising military aid that failed to materialize. Having transferred power to Trần Văn Hương on 21 April, he left for Taiwan on 25 April.[35]:714 After having appealed unsuccessfully to Congress for $700 million in emergency aid for South Vietnam, President Ford had given a televised speech on 23 April, declaring an end to the Vietnam War and all U.S. aid.
By the end of April, the ARVN had collapsed on all fronts except in the Mekong Delta. Thousands of refugees streamed southward, ahead of the main communist onslaught. On 27 April 100,000 PAVN troops encircled Saigon. The city was defended by about 30,000 ARVN troops. To hasten a collapse and foment panic, the PAVN shelled Tan Son Nhut Airport and forced its closure. With the air exit closed, large numbers of civilians found that they had no way out.[35]:716
Fall of Saigon Main articles: Fall of Saigon and Operation Frequent Wind
Victorious PAVN troops at the Presidential Palace, Saigon Chaos, unrest, and panic broke out as hysterical South Vietnamese officials and civilians scrambled to leave Saigon. Martial law was declared. American helicopters began evacuating South Vietnamese, U.S. and foreign nationals from various parts of the city and from the U.S. embassy compound. Operation Frequent Wind had been delayed until the last possible moment, because of U.S. Ambassador Graham Martin's belief that Saigon could be held and that a political settlement could be reached. Frequent Wind was the largest helicopter evacuation in history. It began on 29 April, in an atmosphere of desperation, as hysterical crowds of Vietnamese vied for limited space. Frequent Wind continued around the clock, as PAVN tanks breached defenses near Saigon. In the early morning hours of 30 April, the last U.S. Marines evacuated the embassy by helicopter, as civilians swamped the perimeter and poured into the grounds.[35]:718–20
On 30 April 1975, PAVN troops entered the city of Saigon and quickly overcame all resistance, capturing key buildings and installations. A tank from the 304th Division crashed through the gates of the Independence Palace at 11:30 am local time and the Viet Cong flag was raised above it. President Dương Văn Minh, who had succeeded Huong two days earlier, surrendered to Colonel Bùi Tín.[35]:720–1
Opposition to U.S. involvement, 1964–1973 Main articles: Opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War and Protests of 1968 See also: Russell Tribunal and Fulbright Hearings
Anti-war protests During the course of the Vietnam War a large segment of the American population came to be opposed to U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia. Public opinion steadily turned against the war following 1967 and by 1970 only a third of Americans believed that the U.S. had not made a mistake by sending troops to fight in Vietnam.[202][203]
Anti-Vietnam War demonstration, 1967 Early opposition to U.S. involvement in Vietnam drew its inspiration from the Geneva Conference of 1954. American support of Diệm in refusing elections was seen as thwarting the democracy America claimed to support. John F. Kennedy, while senator, opposed involvement in Vietnam.[135] Nonetheless, it is possible to specify certain groups who led the anti-war movement at its peak in the late 1960s and the reasons why. Many young people protested because they were the ones being drafted, while others were against the war because the anti-war movement grew increasingly popular among the counterculture. Some advocates within the peace movement advocated a unilateral withdrawal of U.S. forces from Vietnam. Opposition to the Vietnam War tended to unite groups opposed to U.S. anti-communism and imperialism,[204] and for those involved with the New Left, such as the Catholic Worker Movement. Others, such as Stephen Spiro, opposed the war based on the theory of Just War. Some wanted to show solidarity with the people of Vietnam, such as Norman Morrison emulating the self-immolation of Thích Quảng Đức.
Vietnam War protesters in Vienna in 1968 High-profile opposition to the Vietnam War increasingly turned to mass protests in an effort to shift U.S. public opinion. Riots broke out at the 1968 Democratic National Convention during protests against the war.[35]:514 After news reports of American military abuses, such as the 1968 My Lai Massacre, brought new attention and support to the anti-war movement, some veterans joined Vietnam Veterans Against the War. On 15 October 1969, the Vietnam Moratorium attracted millions of Americans.[205] The fatal shooting of four students at Kent State University in 1970 led to nationwide university protests.[206] Anti-war protests declined after the signing of the Paris Peace Accords and the end of the draft in January 1973, and the withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam in the months following.
Permit publishing applications to specify a content type
This allows a publishing application to specify the content type of an asset which overrides Asset Manager's default behaviour of using the filename as a means to determine an asset's content type.
The problem this resolves is when a publishing application decides an asset is of one type and then Asset Manager disagrees and serves the file based on the extension - for example if someone (oddly) uploaded a PDF with a ".html" extension. This issue could cause a confusing error experience for users and could potentially lead to security issues of spoofing types of documents.
In considering the application of this I did wonder whether Asset Manager should just be changed to determine content type based off reading the file rather than extension (potentially using the marcel 1 gem) however I concluded that this would be quite a substantial change with a tough migration.
I concluded that given publishing applications are already determining content type manually, validating it and presenting this information to the Publishing API 2 then they can ultimately be considered the source of truth for this and it isn't ideal for Asset Manager to do the same calculation, in case they differ.
This change does however leave some future questions (I'm sorry) about what to do about content type detection in this repo, it may well be applicable that one day we switch to automatic content type look up in Asset Manager and allow publishers to override that.
create woke.yml, god please fuckign shit wfugtudddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddddd
Created Text For URL [sundiatapost.com/18-year-old-girl-set-boyfriend-ablaze-in-benue/]
fucking let me work on my project you peice of shit god dammit i hate git so much
Branch merge fixes + recent work [HHEU]
- Made minor adjustments to files to account for the merge. Mostly splitting files or fixing incorrect "_soh" files.
- Reverted a bunch of EVTDESC_SRI localization to EVTDESC_ACLLA since the use of the former led to duplicate strings with the main SRI events. Can be changed to _SRI again if the numeric part is updated to be unique.
- Deactivated d_treasure_fleet at the start of the game.
- Fixed a few lines accidentally being uncommented in a previous dev version and causing issues.
- Fixed some issues with a broken trigger checked by some nicknames.
- Fixed a few issues with the Treasure Fleet not ending properly. Might need further testing.
- Fixed an issue with the EoC potentially loopholing his way onto the Treasure Fleet. Silly Eoc; you don't care that much about the rest of the world!
- Fixed some issues with the Council Eunuch voting improvement.
- Fixed a few localization issues.
- Added and localized missing Amaterasu Descendant, Physician, and Dwarf opinions.
- Fixed a bunch of counties accidentally being scripted as viceroyalties.
- Did a rough pass of most of China up until roughly the Jingkang Incident. Will need at least one more pass, and the planned "end date" is a bit later.
- Added "Su fei-er" linked him to the most likely father, and landed him from 1070 to the Jingkang Incident since I've not been able to find other rulers in the relevant area.
- Expanded and improved the Wanyan (Jurchen Jin) dynasty.
- Set up Song as a tributary of Liao and Jin at various points historically. I'm sure they will be the loyalest tributary ever.
- Made some provinces in northern China Sunni from 1080 (when the second wave of Bukharan settlers arrived). They'd not have been a majority, but we don't know the actual religion and it's interesting.
- Landed some people relevant to the Jingkang Incident and the prelude.
- Landed Wanyan Nianhan and Zongwang in northern China around the fall of Liao and as they conquer towards Bianjing.
- Landed Xuanzong of Jin in Hebei shortly before he got the throne.
- Landed Zhang Jun (the chancellor, not the general) following the Jingkang Incident. He was in charge of a large area, so have fun with that Ambitious trait!
- Landed Zhang Jun (the general, not the chancellor), Yue Fei, and Li Gang as placeholders after the Jingkang Incident. They seem like the best options for now.
- The Chuseok event logic no longer looks for the mysterious "pround" trait.
- The Chuseok events no longer have "triger"s.
- Event-spawned Chuseok characters no longer come with a "dyasty", but might have a dynasty.
- Fixed an incorrect scope in the decisions related to the Permanent Regent releasing or executing prisoners.
- Added society influence for indian_pilgrim for the relevant MOs, since all Christians get to benefit from their pilgrim trait.
- Hopefully fixed the Tenno holding multiple emperor-tier titles.
- Defined the Hwarang society (still needs polishing, localization, interface).
- Added decisions for Hwarang powers (still need localization and related events).
- Included "County progress.txt" outside the main directory, which contains a rough overview of the current status of every county up until roughly 1127.
Update README.md
CryptoTracker is a simple yet intuitive way to track and display your Cryptocurrency Portfolio in one place. In a few taps you can track your portfolio by adding coins to your bucket with the option to display prices in your preferred currency.
Track the prices of over 5000 different cryptocurrencies including Bitcoin, Ethereum, XRP and other Altcoins. View other information such as market cap, volume and circulating supply.
Supports conversion to different Fiat Currencies (USD, GBP, EUR, etc).
Please note that this app does not connect to any Cryptocurrency wallets or blockchain. There is no registration required and data that is saved is only storred locally on the device.
Cryptocurrency data provided by https://cryptocompare.com Icons provided by https://icons8.com/
Version
v1.0
Background
Blockchain and Cryptocurrency has been making headlines for the most of 2019/2020 and I figured it would be good to get my feet wet by combining both my interest in iOS development together with cryptocurrencies. Having invested in some of these coins, I found myself having to check prices of these crypto coins constantly and that was when I decided to create this app for my personal use. At the moment, the app is powered using cryptocompare's API which has over 5000 coins and support for different currencies.
Thoughts & Challenges
Having no prior iOS development experience and being self-taught, building this app was definitely a challenge.
Added more emotions
Added happy, calm, love, and empty. Cleaned up artgen.js, and added new-button for refreshing current page. Updated README with test of example images
FINALLY FIXED THAT BUG :D
I love Async at it makes scripts load nicely, but in this case, it really fucks pages up if the constructor is loaded first. Now I'm able to load them in order, finally. I learn something new everyday huh
fucking shit fucking fuck
I swear to fucking God I hate fucking merge conflicts.